Paul Villatous and Xavier Aiolfi: The Final Archives of the Führerbunker. Berlin in 1945, the Chancellery and the Last Days of Hitler. Havertown, PA: Casemate Publishers, 2020. 160 pages, illustrated.
Most accounts of Hitlerʼs final days in his bunker suggest nothing so much as lab reports of rats trapped in an ever-shrinking cage, running around pointlessly with increasingly self-destructive fury. The difference is that until the end, these particular rats remained in thrall to their leader, despite his delusions. As late as April 1945, Hitler dreamed he could unite the Western Allies in a campaign against the Russians.
What makes this book unusual is that it focuses almost as much on the cage at its frantic inmates. The Final Archives sketches the history of the Reich Chancellery, focusing on the period 1933-1945 – in other words, very familiar territory in general, though the emphasis on the building itself, its layout and architecture is welcome.
This slim volume (160 quarto [large format] pages) draws on the pioneering work of French Capitaine Michel Leroy, who snuck into the bunker in November 1945, after it had been thoroughly plundered, and emerged with what every scavenger before him had left behind: paper documents that had escaped the general conflagration of the last days when – on Hitlerʼs orders – everything was to be burned. Copies of the ten telegrams that Leroy found, sent between April 23-26, 1945, are each presented here in the original with translation and commentary. While they contain no earth-shattering revelations, they do help round out the picture of what was going on during those chaotic final days.
When documents are translated from German into French, and then from French into English, some hiccups along the way are to be expected. The Final Archives of the Führerbunker, alas, has more than its share. I would guesstimate that the rate of infelicities or outright errors is approximately one per every 3 or so pages of text (that is, not counting the pages taken up with illustrations).
Some of the errors are doubtless to be found in the original text of Messrs. Villatous and Aiolfi in Les dernière archives du Bunker 23-25 avril (2018). It was their choice to mention Hugh Trevor-Roper in passing as being the first to give a credible account of Hitlerʼs final hours, but incredibly his seminal work The Last Days of Hitler (first published 1947) is never referred to. On the plus side, many French sources are quoted from and cited, and most of them will be unknown to readers who are familiar only with German or English sources.
Other mistakes are probably made by Myriam Bell, a “certified translator” according to LinkedIn. She gets higher marks for her outstanding design of this book, for which she was also responsible, than for her translation, which is so full of infelicities as to be distracting. At its best, her rendering of French into English is competent, but all too often one cannot forget that one is reading a translation.
Easily the best thing about this book are the pictures, which are plentiful and well-chosen. Though some of them have been colorized, for the most part they are excellent, while the captions are merely adequate – they never mislead, but in some cases a bit more information would have been desirable.
Use with caution.
Translation Problems and Errors of Fact
In some cases, photographs of documents reveal their original wording. Bormann says in a telegram sent on April 24, 1945, “Bei uns bumst es,” which is rendered, “Things are screwed here” (p. 114). Well, it could mean that, but Bormann was unlikely to indulge in such colorful language in an official communication, even at the end. More plausibly he was simply saying that in the bunker they could hear the booming of the artillery outside.
A day earlier Bormann sent this telegram: “Unser weiteres Befinden hängt ab von Friedrichs und Genossen, die gegen unseren Gegner umgeschwenkt.” “Friedrichs” is identified as being a code name for one of the Nazi generals (most likely Walther Wenck, who received just such an order). Whoever he was, the telegram makes clear that he had been told to cease fighting the Western allies and turn around so he could fight the Russians. This unambiguous message is given an undeservedly sinister twist: “Our future situation depends on Friedrichs […] and his comrades, who are turning their coats on our enemies” (p. 116). Quite apart from the fact that Bormann was not the type to give vent to fury or irony in an official communiqué, thatʼs not what the telegram says.
East Prussia is called “Eastern” Prussia (would you call South Dakota “Southern” Dakota?); on the same page, Mecklenburg is called “the” Mecklenburg (p. 13). And he dominant geographical feature of Northern Germany are “heaths,” not “plains.”
“All subjects may be broached, with the exception of domestic policies.” –> domestic politics (p. 14)
During the inauguration ceremony of the new Reichskanzlei (Jan. 9, 1939), Hitler declared “it is only by gigantic work of this type that it is possible to make people aware of their own conscience.” -> It is highly unlikely that Hitler said anything of the kind. Probably he said that gigantic constructions of this type makes people self-conscious, i.e., aware of their own insignificance. The building was designed not just to impress but to overwhelm. (p. 26)
“It is curious to note that….” -> It is interesting to note that… (p. 29) Likewise: “It was an old and curious building…” -> strange / odd building (p. 38) This is a mistranslation of French “curieux.”
“For the duration of the meal, our radio reproduced the monotonous call of the policeʼs special transmitter.” -> our radio broadcast / our radio was tuned to … (p. 46)
“Us, the bunkerʼs prisoners, tried to gather a few pieces of information on the outcome of the battle.” -> We, the bunkerʼs prisoners… (p. 60)
“Putting your head outside one of the bunkerʼs exits, one could smell the death roaming amid the fire and the smoke.” -> you could smell death… (p. 63)
“It had become the number one topic of conversation in the bunker. Was it better to take a pistol or swallow a pill of prussic acid? Shoot yourself in the jaw or in the temple?” -> shoot yourself in the mouth (ibid.). Shooting oneself in the jaw might not be fatal, and certainly not quick.
A certain “Boldt” is said to be present in the bunker (ibid.). Though unidentified and unlisted in the index, this is undoubtedly Gerhard Boldt (1918-1981), one of the officers stationed there in the final days who later managed to escape to the west, where he was interned by the Allies.
“Hitler was sat on the little sofa, bent over himself, near the table.” -> Even when talking of a corpse, we say it was sitting, or was seated (p. 72).
At Hitlerʼs final staff conference, he is said to have declared, “If destiny decides otherwise, I will disappear from the political world scene….” -> Hitler was thinking in theatrical terms. French “scène” here corresponds to English “stage” (p. 108).
“It was on April 20, Hitler decided that …” -> On April 20, Hitler decided that… (p. 117)
“… Martin Luther, the founder of the Protestant reform.” -> the leader of the Protestant Reformation / the founder of Protestantism (p. 139)
Rudolf Hess was not commandant of Auschwitz. That was Rudolf Höss (p. 139).
“Bormann would write a proposition of law…” -> would draft a law (p. 141)
“On April 30, 1933, beneath the balconies of the Reichstag, SA troops marched in the torchlight. Hitler had just been named Reich Chancellor by von Hindenburg.” -> Hitler was named Chancellor on January 30, not April 30. He reviewed the torchlight parade that evening as it passed beneath window of the Chancellery, not the Reichstag. The window at that time had no balcony – one was added later, at Hitlerʼs insistence. Three errors in a single sentence (p. 141).
“… Hitler also had an honor and escort unit that was in keeping with his function” -> with his status / his office (p. 143)
“From headquarters to bunkers, Hitler reached Berlin on January 15, 1945.” -> I can only guess what the first four words might mean (p. 143).
“Günsche took part in the combats on the Eastern Front….” -> in the battles (p. 145)
“… Hermann Fegelein was accused of desertion and appeared in front of the martial court…” -> the court martial (p. 145)
Hans Lammers is said to have made “lightning-fast progress in the career he joined in 1922 at the Internal Affairs Ministry.” -> He joined the ministry (not the career) in 1933 (p. 147).
Lammers “became a privileged interlocutor between administrative officers, exchanging numerous correspondence …” -> numerous letters / engaging in voluminous correspondence (p. 147)
The very last picture in the book shows the torn parts of two signs found in the bunker. Though placed together to suggest they once formed a single sign, the slightest study shows that, though similar, they have been ripped from different signs (p. 151).
“In 1933, he [Max Amann] became president of Reich Media Chamber (Reichspressekammer), which depended on Joseph Goebbels.” -> which was controlled by Goebbels (p. 157) Amann is one of half a dozen people mentioned in the text but not included in the index.
“Deprived of his belongings and his right to pension… ” -> Deprived of his property… (ibid.)
Typos
Hitler greets “district chiefs, section commanders, syndicate association president…” –> presidents (p. 13)
Hitler gives his orders and makes his opinions know … -> known (p. 15)
Feldhernhalle –> Feldherrnhalle, with double “r”, (p. 32)
Grünewald –> Grunewald; this forest in the west of Berlin is not spelled with an umlaut, though this is a common mistake (p. 42)
The Armyʼs Quartermaster General will be under direct the direct command of … (p. 109)
Reichleiter -> Reichsleiter, with “s” (p. 121)
Printzregenten Platz -> Prinzregenten Platz, “Prinz” without “t” (p. 142)
Stabswatche -> Stabswache without “t” (p. 143)
A Soviet labor camp, said to be “in the Ural” (sic), is called both “Dyaterka” and “Diaterka” on the same page (p. 146).
© Hamilton Beck
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